Musharraf’s 2004 Speech in the Parliament: Economy

Preident’s address to Joint Session of the parliament      was an important event in the current political scenario of Pakistan, time-wise and substance-wise. Had not PIAs Karachi and Lahore flights run into rough weather and VVIP movement, the impact would have been in­stantaneous and deeper. The address, however, had enough meat to help mould national policies for many years to come. 

Out of the main points of the speech, like correcting the four misconceptions about Pakistan, war on terrorism, Kashmir, Indo-Pakistan relations, extremism, the economy, one would like to dilate on only the main thrust of economic-cum-social issues which found place in President’s address beside broad national and international concerns. 

Leaders of every government like to mention social parameters as an indication of the soundness of their govern­ment’s socio-economic policies and good governance, beside their own awareness about intricate issues facing the nation. The lamentable aspect of playing with economic jargon and populist slogans is that few people fully comprehend the correlation between components of economic progress and the social and political forces detrimental to prosperity and well being of society and the individual. Saying this, one is not going to start presenting the familiar treatise on neglect of Health and Education. The issue is that of social change and is much wider and deeper, and is not new. What Pakistan needs is the assemblage of factors that would start the process of social change, and synchronize their direction and occurrence. So far we have failed to achieve this congruity and make var­ious political, economic and social forces to contribute to progress in a coordinated manner. 

President presented a wide spectrum of points from his economic and social agenda that, if considered seriously, make a logical sequence of events that could initiate self-sustained social change. He specially mentioned poverty alleviation. It would require employment generation at a massive scale. 

Em­ployment, in turn, needs investment. If employment is the main objective of investment, economic activity will have to be as widely labour-intensive as would be permitted by competition with capital-intensive technologies used elsewhere. And investment, on the ground does not always go by prefer­ence of labour over capital and the latest technologies. But in the final analysis, essentially it is investment that could root out poverty by truncating unemployment and building the in­frastructure. 

A throng of different factors many of which must be pre­sent concurrently, however, conditions investment. Most of the time, absence, of even one element may scare away would-be investors. That explains the usual gap between the degree of eagerness of the governments to invite investment, and, on the ground, its actual level: Flight of investment, in the pre­sent times, is only one suicide attack or a few runny noses away; from all the good intentions of a foreign entrepreneur. 

Fundamentally; investment is dependent upon savings – and the Pakistanis have proven themselves to be incapable of con­trolling their appetite for good things in life. In the year 2002­-3, our domestic rate of savings was a mere 14.7 percent and rate of total investment was 15.5 percent. President’s anxi­ety about investment is well taken. It is the corner stone of economic development, especially the much-emphasized poverty alleviation programme of the government. 

Address by Head of State to the Joint Session, traditionally, is a summing-up of the performance of the nation during the past year, studded with pieces of advice, words of apprecia­tion and some suggestions for the future. On economic issues, President Musharraf endorsed the health of macro-indicators. He especially emphasized; the need to maintain the Balance of Payment surplus – and reduction in foreign borrowings. He urged an increase in exports, foreign exchange reserves, re­mittances from abroad, and the revenue. While this must be based on the brief of the Finance Ministry, President’s concern about their benefits reaching the common man were genuine and timely. 

He mentioned expansion of infrastructure as the way to transmit fruits of development to the grass roots. His exhortation for greater expenditure on Health and Education, however, left out much that needed backing of the Head of State. The so-called Social Sectors led by Health and Education, in spite the entire hullabaloo about their speed; development, continue to drag at best. In the meantime the number of areas to be considered along with the traditional Social Sectors has been increasing. Communications and Information Technology, Housing, Rural-Urban movement of population, Problems of Adolescents and the Aged, increase in crime, are only some of the issues that must be addressed urgently. 

The President has mentioned the need to empower women that is most welcome. But increased incidence of aggression on women needs to be singled out as the most crucial factor in keeping females depressed, especially in the rural areas. A distinct absence was that of Population Management – checking rapid growth and keeping a sharp eye on domestic and foreign migration flows. One is aware of the sensitivities of supporting population control as such the silence over it, yet the nation must be told that any let up in population management in a country with low education levels can spell disaster for the entire development endeavour. Some thing ought to be done to assuage the corps of dedicated workers engaged in this labour of love and remind marries couples to keep their families small. 

What has impressed one the most in President’s address is the sincerity and feeling with which the peo pie of Pakistan were asked to discharge their duties assigned to them with ‘full honesty’, sincerity and loyalty, as said by Quaidi Azam. The reminder that conscience was the most precious possession of an individual, is one single adage that this nation needs to be reminded – in this age of the crisis of conscience, and shaken faith. What we all refer to as simplicity, austerity and modesty are a part of the values that constituted our conscience – the frozen wisdom acquired through experience of millennia. 

If one may return to the current situation, the savings and investment are a function of how much an individual can control their self and abstain from drowning in the sea of opulence and abundance, knowing that almost two-fifth of the population of the country do not have even a fraction of what is possessed by a tiny community at the top. There is a close relationship between this class gap and the scourge of corruption and nepotism that the President listed as the foremost bane of our society. Corruption is a means to get into portal of the rich and the powerful, quickly. Nepotism is a method to consolidate one’s family and clan by shutting entrance to new comers. Both the practices lead to gross injustice and arrogance in society. Their eradication could bring about the much needed harmony and peace to the nation. 

This is not the first time that one is pleading austerity, simplicity, justice and harmony. What is different on this occasion is that President of the country has also mentioned them. The big question this time as such will be the method adopted to achieve them. One will not dig into Philosophy for that. – Just adopt them at the highest level and do not participate in activities that smack of opulence. Just return home from the gate as an erstwhile Prime Minister of our neighbouring country to the East used to do! A departing thought. A lot of people get into a debate over the objectives of development. Will anybody like to differ with the opinion that all development is meant to bring happiness to the people? Only a happy people will back other areas of development, including defence. Perhaps, that is what the President wanted to say through his address.

January 29, 2004

Evoking Old Promises

Only one day after the government had resolved differences over the Legal Framework Order with the coali­tion of major Islamic political parties of the country, some targeted Presi­dent of the country in a well-planned suicidal bomb-attack, presumably extremist religious elements. Investiga­tions may correctly pinpoint real per­petrators of the attempt on President’s life, but some deep-rooted maladies would continue to remain undetected. All indications point to fanaticism backed by the mode used by extrem­ists elsewhere in the world. This could be the advent of difficult law and order period unless quick action is taken to contain the underlying conflicts. 

Mostly ideological. And we better rernember, that police and armed forces alone cannot resolve them as their origins lie in religious, political and social beliefs and attitudes. Para­dox faced by the government and the religious politicians in getting close, and the physical attacks by seemingly religious zealots, cannot be explained by simplistic deductions, like Presi­dent’s support for the American war against terrorism which, an over­whelming majority of world Muslims view as war against Muslims: This has led to perpetual antagonism between staunch Muslims and the pro-USA gov­ernments. Even the hypothesis of pub­lic resentment over the American pol­icy of ‘democratising’ the world, does not hold well in countries with low ed­ucation levels. One considers the at­tacks on President Musharraf as an en­deavour to stop the propagation of Western values and thoughts, and in the process, warn all pro­ponents of liberalism. In and around this mother-con­flict, revolve the sectarian, ethnic, lin­guistic and class feuds of various in­tensity and ilk. 

What is needed to settle the con­flict in beliefs is first to realize and ac­cept that the problem rests within us and in our society. We have become a nation of hypocrites – unconsciously or by deliberate design. We may not be unique in possessing the desire to be impeccable followers of our religion and its rituals on the one hand, and yearn on the other hand to distinguish ourselves as the closest adherents of western culture and values. But what makes us different is that we have failed to find the meeting ground be­tween the two desires. 

Malaysia, among the Muslim countries, has found it through education, social jus­tice, tolerance and economic develop­ment. We have proven ourselves so rigid and arrogant that we have been denying even those innovations, which suited us well and were not against Islamic principles either. We also did not take recourse in the unique institution of ljtehad, which could open doors for the adoption of inventions and innovations. Instead, we preferred to em­brace the course of hating and dis­carding every new thing that came from abroad originally to keep the so­ciety static and later, to retrograde to our position in the Middle Ages. 

The people of Pakistan, by temper­ament and history, are prone to touch extremes about what we love or hate. If, for everything belonging to the West, a sizeable group of conservative elements can go to the extreme and deface advertisements or demand a ban on television and movies, the other group is ready to indulge in every western custom – drinking, dancing, profanity, and all. The two extremes could exist in their separate spheres in an emancipated society But in our am­bience, both have their circles of influence in every section of society. Many a time, it leads to extremely harmful impasses. During the past three decades or so, starting in 1977, the Pakistani society has been strongly divided into two poles. Over the years, this division gained momentum, taking the nation on a roller-coaster ride of sentiments and ideologies. The last Ramadan and Eidul Fitr presented a weird picture of an ideological split in our society. The story starts with a dis­pute over sighting the moon for Ra­madan and the Eid. The drill was tedious and at times confusing. The result was not amusing: The nation ended up with three Eids. Government and the people could neither have one Lailatul Qadr. 

The holiest of nights, nor one Eid. Although one is not sold on the ‘one Eid’ plea, yet for those who wanted to have one Eid why could not we use the metrological department? That department did mention the accuracy of their calculations but it could not present a demand for the acceptance of their calendar for fear of the religious community. A far more serious development was increase in the number of crimes committed during the holy month. There used to be the atmosphere in not very distant past, when crimes used to almost disappear during thirty days of fasting.  But erosion of moral values, distance from religion, influence of foreign cultures, more frequent and closer contacts with other countries due to the large number of Pakistani expatriates living abroad, have taken their toll. Sanctity of many beliefs and rituals is vanishing from the scene. 

Another sorry aspect was the mix of crimes and episodes of lawlessness. In ad­dition to the increase in reports of thefts, robberies and road accidents, there was a discernible Increase in fe­male teasing and molestation. Alcohol, which during the holy month used to be a taboo, appeared on pages of newspapers more frequently. Skyrock­eting prices and petty crimes became almost a routine. Ironically, communi­ties’ committed common economic misdeeds the most known for taking their religion very seriously! So many principles were flouted, so many lies were told, and so many promises were broken during the last pre-Eid period that one had developed serious fears about the future of people’s fate in re­ligion in this country! 

These circum­stances prompted one to reiterate some old resolutions made over the years. The first one is: One shall give up all hypocrisy and shall not tell a lie or make a false promise, and shall try to do unto others what he expects oth­ers to do unto him.

Second is affirma­tion of another resolution: One shall never cast a greedy look at possessions of others with the intent of ac­quiring them by means beyond one’s legal competence and right, or try to destroy property or assail the beliefs of others out of jealousy, envy or greed.

Third  is the affirmation of still an old resolve: One shall not walk on God’s earth with disdain, or be arrogant in speech, action, gesture or de­meanour; and one shall not vilify oth­ers behind their backs or indulge in transmitting gossip and hearsay. 

These resolutions do not need a saint to ful­fil, nor will they make anybody an angel. They also would not metamor­phose the society. But they can help create a body of individuals who be­lieve in peace and civilized way of re­solving discords. This may be one way of creating harmony, tolerance and un­derstanding between followers of di­vergent perceptions, thus building a gentle and magnanimous world.

January 1, 2004

Rape in Pakistan: Trading on Depravity

Any world-class leader with a penchant for mixing with crowds and engaging in inform­al talk with journalists and audiences at meetings and get-togeth­ers is bound to be misquoted by individuals and the media. General Musharraf not only likes to communicate with groups but also is capable of doing an excellent job of it. However, with a milling crowd around includ­ing many assertive countrymen – some shouting at the top of their voice – the media people could eas­ily confuse the origin of a voice. That has happened to General Musharraf at New York in the context of violence against women.

 

The remark about women’s motives behind lodg­ing formal complaints over their rape, ascribed to him was so cruel that it became a hit issue overnight. Many Pakistani newspapers and their readers promptly came out with strong disagree­ment with remarks of the President – some touch­ing extremes. President’s Press Secretary, however, wasted no time in refuting the news item. Subse­quent dispatches and the President himself ex­plained that someone else, whose name was not re­vealed, made the remark. Although the episode must have caused some discomfort to General Musharraf and his team, yet it served some useful purpose as well.

 

First: the remark attracted questions on women issues in Pakistan in considerably fair num­bers than what was expected. It provided an oppor­tunity to the President and members of his delegation to present the actual situation, enumerate steps taken by the government for women’s uplift, and dispel wrong perceptions about women’s place in the Pakistani society, besides counting difficulties encountered in the process of empowering women in a traditional society.

 

Second, the quick and bitter criticism of alleged – later refuted – remarks by Head of State was pleasantly surprising. It indicated a quiet pro-women change taking place in the Pak­istani society, and the strength of its signal. Ironi­cally, General Musharraf has played a major role in bringing about this change, and these were the re­marks attributed to him that were under fire!

 

The President did not try to hide his exaspera­tion over wide publicity of rape cases in Pakistan. His real wrath was, however, reserved for NGOs that carried their concern for rape-victims to foreign countries. He was of the opinion that these NGO’s espoused the cause of rape victims as they had vested interests. He warned that the culprit NGOs would be dealt with an iron hand. He also com­plained that rapes took place all over the world, why did the foreign media highlight the cases happening only in Pakistan? He advocated that these unfortu­nate cases should remain confined to courts of the country where the incident happened; why take the case to foreigners who cannot do anything about the incident, due to lack of knowledge about another country’s culture and laws. His anger over the pub­licity of a heinous crime like rape was justified especially when he was engaged in convincing audi­ences of the unprecedented progress and enlightenment-taking place in Pakistan.

 

The President must have more accurate infor­mation about cases of violence on women than the layman. One, however, feels that publicity of rapes and assault cases could not be the doing of one or two organisations. Information technology and the communication systems have converted the world into a very small place. Nothing can remain secret anymore. Tantalising news like those related to gen­der discrimination, child abuse, murder, war, etc. are splashed by the media immediately: News of a rape ordered by elders of a community taking place on this planet in the 21st century will make a good lead anytime. Some NGO or individual may take advantage of the sympathy generated by such news temporarily, but damage is done the very moment that an event is reported by the local media. The President is right that rapes take place in all coun­tries. But they also remain shocking everywhere. News of this nature thus will get picked up imme­diately.

 

Whether somebody said it or not at the Presi­dent’s meetings in New York, the real thing to do is to curb the incidence of rape in Pakistan: Only then the news would cease to appear in the foreign press. And the NGOs would not be able to take ad­vantage of such news. But the matter is not that simple. Attitude towards women and their place in society are seeped in the social and cultural history of a people. Changes wrought by developments that come with time may bring some changes in society, yet the basics of family and community life remain untouched as they were mostly determined by the economic and social role of individuals. Since a woman is viewed as a worker and housekeeper – as such unaware of the outside world dominated by men, she is treated as an inferior. The feudal sys­tem and feudal mentality make women subservient to wishes of men who may ask women of menial and dependent households, to provide any service that they are ordered to fulfil – refusal can result in what Ms. Mukhtaran Mai or other women had to go through.

 

Logical solution of problems spawned by feu­dalism would be to put an end to the social and cultural system prevailing in our society. However, that would not be an easy task, as proven in Pakistan in the last six decades in the shape of failure of land reforms. With the passage of time, the feudal men­tality has spread to cities. The progeny of feudals and the nouveau riche have established.feu0 4 men­tality in the urban areas. The pervasive arrogant outlook as such has become a formidable force thwarting every initiative for freeing the poor and the downtrodden from clutches of the so-called elite of villages and towns.

 

Unless this mentality is defeated, occurrences of rape of women, assault on economic means of the poor, denial of equality, justice and democracy will not end. Just to prove the point, how many of the culprits of the known and thousands of less known or unknown cases of rape and assault on women have been punished in Pakistan during the past five, ten or fifteen years? The new addition to poor-men and women predicament is the blatant involvement of the police as active partners. We have not been able to correct or expel deviants in this force. Ju­diciary and other institutions charged with bring­ing justice to society have also fallen prey to the pressure of the dominant class. Quick justice and immediate implementation of decisions are the only sure way to stop the news of serious crimes in the media at home and abroad.

Twelfth October

 

Today, 12th of October, is the 7th anniversary of the reluctant take over by General Pervez Musharraf. This could have called for an analysis of the achievements of the Musharraf regime during the last seven years. 

In the meantime, the newspapers have been splashing the discovery of rockets at three different places at Rawalpindi and Islamabad – all close to President’s offices or venues of his travel or appointment.

Then there came the tale of vows of the affectees of the Oct 8 earthquake and some donors. A potential nest of hornets was agitated by the provincial governments in the Punjab and partly Sindh, and Mr Altaf Husain in London. It pointed to an imminent confrontation between PML (Q) and the MQM. The statements and some legal action by the People’s Party factions and the pre-election hullabaloo of politicians have added to the confusion, though with space for amusement also. However, the cake goes to heated discussions on President’s autobiography, ranging from its propriety, timing and content. Since cricket is so vital for the future of Pakistan, it could not remain off the front pages of newspapers. Changes on another October saturday were so swift that even the most ardent of cricket fans did not know who was captaining the Pakistan team! One would ask only how did Mr. Yousuf, the Captain for a few hours feel about his removal, especially being a convert to Islam only a few years back. Add to all this familiar everyday episodes of robberies, murders, rape, police-high-handedness and a new financial or corporate scandal. To complete the picture, there is the usual spattering of feel-good stories about the health of our economy which need a salt shaker around to swallow.

 

One decided not to jump into the useless battle of politically motivated claims and counter-claims raining from all directions in a politically charged atmosphere.

Secondly, from day one of the post-Nawaz Sharif regime, it had became clear that years of rot, indifference, corruption and erosion of old values and confusion over the modern did not leave much hope for a meaningful rapid change in this society. Basic improvements come through changes in structures, reforms in modes and methods of governance, change in attitudes, and participation of common people in development, administration and policy formulation – most of all, the transformation of people into an educated, healthy, free and bold entity. It used to take generations to achieve that. Now we can quicken the process but there are conditions. The most crucial is a ruling class which enjoys full confidence of the people and has proven its sincerity through its actions. Even then the path is neither smooth nor free of obscurantists. The Pakistani society had cumulated a large fund of religious zealots nourished by General Zia ul Haq, who did not have a sound knowledge of religion, history and culture of the Muslims, nor had any acquaintance with modern thinking, technological advancements and the contemporary life style. This situation had created a horrendous quagmire with no easy escape. The forces of conservatism were developing into extremism. Extraneous factors arising from global economic and political changes were fast hardening the attitude of conservative forces towards modernism as a symbol of the West. The modern and liberal forces, unfortunately chose to detach themselves from the mainstream, leaving the battlefield to extremist elements in society. Still another misfortune occurred in the form of a selfish, corrupt and arrogant ruling class which preferred to accumulate wealth and power rather than think of improving living conditions of the masses who were getting poorer by the day.

 

General Musharraf on 12th October, 1999 opened his account with this stock. He was aware of the situation being very near the top. He was full of ideas, and had friends and sympathizers who had the confidence – and in most cases the capacity and experience – to put ideas in practice. His earlier addresses to the nation and the establishment of institutions for accountability, social, political and administrative reforms and bringing some sanity in chaos put the nation on a wait for the solution of its ills. A lot of suggestions poured in to help the new regime. This writer, though slightly apprehensive at times, saw a reflection of Ataturk in the style and programme of the new Chief Executive. Although he was not welcomed by the West for being a military ruler, yet the Pakistani nation, in general watched with interest.

 

However, September 11, 2001 changed the scene overnight. The big switch in our foreign policy, our involvement in anti-Afghanistan and anti-Iraq war on terror initiated by the United States of America angered the common man. The sharp turn in policy towards the Taliban made its own contribution. Friendship with the West, especially the United States, cost the government a lot of public support. During the five years since 9/11 2001, Pakistan has been in the middle of a storm that was not of our making but which affected us deeply, and adversely.

 

One would conclude by reproducing general perception of situation on the ground. Steps taken by the government over the years would have brought about positive changes in society had they been implemented fully and properly – one may add.

 

• Corruption remains rampant because culprits were allowed to bargain and become free;
• Reports on major financial irregularities and corruption were not released, and nobody seems to have been punished;
• The focus of the government had been on making money even by selling heirloom;
• Foreign exchange reserves were made to look a big achievement without telling the source – which could not be exports which were being exceeded by imports;
• Runaway inflation – especially during the last two years or so; banks adding to it by easy credit;
• Uncontrolled expenditure by the government on non-productive non-development activities;
• High volume of imports, especially of luxury items;
• Failure to implement laws to encourage austerity and curb wastage;
• Letting the growth of a high-income class and failure to decrease poverty;
• Infirmity in implementation of decisions due to favouritism;
• Although increased yet insufficient expenditure on the social sectors;
• Irrational prioritization in planning;
• Slackness in carrying out reforms in key areas, e.g. the Police;
• Use of government machinery for political purposes;
• Demoralization of public servants due to extensions and re-employment of retired persons;
• Harassment, detention and disappearance of people.

 

One feels sad that some very good developments like freedom of the Press and the media, tremendous growth in communications, especially the information technology area, steering the nation through global turmoil, the handling of natural disasters and many other achievements of the present dispensation have been clouded by everyday problems of the common person. The people are now looking at elections of 2007, hoping that the same centuries old crowd may not walk into legislatures.

 

The task to arrest every ill and bring changes in society is arduous. But we do not need a saint to tell us that more twelfths of October will visit us if we fail to clear our thinking and rid the society of the debris of our unwholesome past, and give our destiny in the hands of the people rather than groups with fixed agenda of their own.

(October 12/ 2006: The News)

Missed Opportunities

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

It may sound ludicrous, but one of the explanations making rounds of Islamabad after the 12th October happenings last year, spoke volumes about the prevailing situation and characters responsible for it. It narrated that after the true mind-set of the feudals, the ruling coterie had decided to dump the mess that they had created, in the lap of whoever was near. The basic approach is that if you start losing badly and consistently, and there is no hope of a turn-around, spoil the game thoroughly so that even others cannot play. They said that General Musharraf was the person on whom this burden was heaped upon – deliberately.

 

The second hypothesis was, that the number and sequence of mistakes being committed was so fast and so relentless that a major blunder was due anytime. The order to sack the army chief while he was abroad, without following the laid down procedure, and playing with the lives of hundreds of passengers thus creating apprehensions about safety aboard the national carrier, and the state of security in the country, show the state of mind of the ruling circles at that time, and what lengths they were prepared to go to extricate themselves from their follies, even if it involved a major upheaval in institutional set-up of the nation.

 

What triggered military intervention in the process of governing the country was important, but not historically momentous, especially in Pakistan, where military interventions had happened before. What really matters as an event of historical importance, is how a nation of 140 million persons, with claims of super-human courage and resourcefulness, allowed the perpetuation of misrule by a small crowd of selfish power mongers. Equally curious is the way that this ruling class came into power and what methods did it use to stay there and manage to change political labels, yet keeping alive the culture of corruption, injustice and tyranny. No doubt, the ills of the Pakistani society started soon after Independence, but the credit for making lawlessness a way of life lies squarely with our rulers during the last few years. However, the most amazing phenomenon is related to mental condition of a whole class of intelligent people who failed to see the consequences of their reckless ways, and acquire a numbness which made them oblivious of the dangers inherent in their attitudes and actions.

 

Many a person did foresee the events to come – which, either could not be envisaged by the government, or were simply ignored, considering them to be of no consequence, or taking them as unfounded fears suffered by the faint-hearted. On hindsight, one did not come across even an iota of remorse or an explanation for all that was happening or for the blunders that were being committed in spite of comments, appeals and warnings from different quarters. It was most evident in case of the economy. Starting in the first quarter of 1999, a whole lot of cloumn writers had been warning the government of problems facing the economy and serious consequences of government’s apathy in correcting various matters, and perpetuation of deliberate wrong actions in case of others. They included nearly every big name in the file of economics writers. But one must ‘marvel’ the audacity of the government which continued with its inclination towards knee jerk reactions, subjective analysis, instantaneous remedies and snap fool-hardy decisions.

 

The big blunders during the past years are well known. By now, even the motives behind them have been exposed. Neither, all wrong decisions were the product of knee jerk reactions nor all of them were the result of miscalculations or changes beyond government’s power. It is astonishing, how in almost every development scheme, an element of personal gain for government functionaries, members of the Party or their allies, was woven. These manipulations were widely suspected but not discussed for fear of reprisals. However, the press did alert the government about basic problems afflicting the nation like shortfalls in revenue, contraction of foreign trade, decline in demand for credit, mounting foreign and domestic debt, spending spree on non-essential goods, constantly inflexible non-development expenditure, increase in utility charges to support government spending, near collapse of financial institutions due to public sector and personal borrowing, declining growth of agriculture, fall in investment levels, stagnating rate of savings, ever expanding black economy, declining FE reserves, increase in foreign trade deficit, and falling exports especially of finished goods, and other indications of the economy falling apart.

 

But most harm to the nation, especially the economy, was caused by large scale default on payments of all descriptions – particularly the taxes and loans, astonishing incidence of embezzlement in public funds, and the volume of looted money smuggled abroad. This not only earned us the title of being one of the most corrupt countries of the World, but made lending institutions reluctant to extend assistance – or the investors to invest. The tendency to steal was accompanied by its natural corollary – reckless spending and vulgar ostentation. Since, these tendencies started with the elite, they permeated to every level of society, tendering governance practically impossible, with utter disregard for national interest and shifting the focus to personal ends of those in power, and their cronies. Even national honour, present and future prosperity, and security of the nation were put on the anvil in return for vanity, false grandeur and malignant covetousness. Civilized societies do not permit such aberrations. Their practice precipitated chaos which led to lack of direction and the emergence of a feeling that the entire country had been left to drift by whims of a very small group of closely knit group who were trying to run the country as a house inhabited by illiterate imbeciles. One could reckon the play of an arrogant and autocratic mind-set developed in imitation of feudal behaviour without having – even remotely – the plus points of in-breading. It has happened more than once in history, that incompetent and ill-intentioned persons managed to ruin their countries, and many times, create serious problems for the entire World. The hallmarks of our erstwhile ruling class were greed, caprice and indifference. Just to expose the tip of the iceberg of misdeeds, Pakistan was made to suffer a loss of $ 7 billion through curbs on foreign currency accounts, $ 1.5 billion on Islamabad-Lahore Motorway deal, $ 1.0 billion on the Yellow Cabs scheme, $ 1.0 billion on the purchase of only one item of defence equipment. More was to go down the drain through SMEDA, Mera Ghar, self-employment schemes etc. – in addition to what had already been sunk. Another pastime of the ruling classes was looting the banks – during 30 months of power, the banks had added Rs. 85 billion of bad debts to their liabilities. Rs. 120 billion of the total bad debt was in the name of 300 leading industrialists, politicians and traders. As another indicator of the economic situation, during the eighteen months between 1998 and September 1999, only one company was registered at the Karachi Stock Exchange. The shattered public confidence in the government led to a 30 per cent decline in remittances from abroad during 1998-99 alone, while the net private investment decreased by 50 per cent. Foreign exchange reserves had come down to a level that they could sustain only two weeks imports – despite curbs on foreign currency accounts!

 

Recounting the events of recent past may look futile. But one feels that the nation should remember them always, to guard against their repetition and to see the involved elements in their true colours. The recklessness that we were pursuing in managing the country had brought us to the very brink of disaster. It is a well calculated projection that restoring confidence in our governance capability and economic management will take at least a decade – if not more. Until that time, we will have to lie low and work hard to re-build our image, correct things on ground, re-construct tattered institutions – most of all, restore the morale of a disillusioned people.

 

This is a lengthy, and in many ways, a thankless job with few rewards for individuals bearing responsibility for the turn-around. That is why, I will not venture to judge the performance of the Musharraf government at this stage. They have tried to address all the problems that they have come across – and one is sure that they cannot be few. One is equally sure that none of the measures taken to correct things will ever be easy on anybody, especially since our society has gotten used to a free-for-all life style. But if the accountability process has started working, large-scale embezzlement and loot has been reduced to a trickle, defaulted loans and taxes are being recovered, fear of God has started to instill in the hearts of public servants, beginnings have been made to document the society, something has been achieved. The final choice, however, will be whether our image is that of a man in a Rolls Royee on the Motorway singing, ‘Na woh chand ho ga ‘, or men sitting with their families in their homes for a wholesome meal? If we are aiming for the latter, we are on the right track.

 

Need for National Unity

 

One of the most frequent remarks that one gets as a part of the feed-back on one’s oped articles is: “It is hoped that somebody in the right quarters reads it”. Although one is not in the business of getting read or acknowledged in corridors of power, yet like all authors, this writer does feel somewhat reassured, if relevant quarters convey their reaction to a piece or respond with action. The amount of satisfaction depends upon the type of writer. There is the class which indulges in due and undue praise of the elite in power surpassing all limits of objectivity and decency. On the other extreme are those who do not see any gleam of hope in what the government is doing and rate the leadership in power as mentally retarded and their actions as perfect recipes for disaster. Then there are the moderates who do reach independent judgements and try to make objective suggestions. Finally, there are the experienced persons who manage to keep quiet on controversial issues sometimes by design, but also out of disgust. Anyway, whatever the aim of their writings, it is useless against the people who are in a position to change the course of our living or the destiny: Some of the most powerful out of them have professed that they are not bothered about what is written and will do what is in the national interest – including steps which are beyond the comprehension of most normal minds. One, obviously, would not like to be counted among the first and the last categories. Due to my formal training and tradition, I am supposed to see things with certain amount of detachment and dispassion.  I try to act upon the principle: In case, I sometimes stray, it should be attributed to my personal failure of judgement and sentiments rather than a change in attitude.

 

One had to present this rather longish explanation as we have entered a period of fundamental importance to the nation and one cannot help writing about it even if it means belabouring unsavoury issues. I have never taken seriously the oft-repeated statement, ‘Pakistan is passing through the most critical phase of her life’. We have been hearing these warnings since 1947, coming from myriad quarters, on all sorts of occasions. The pressures facing the nation today, especially the belligerent attitude of Indian leadership and unsettled conditions on the western border, further compounded by domestic vulnerabilities are no routine matter. The scene is so confusing that it has left a good part of the population astounded, and without a clue. The developments on various fronts are changing so fast that just their management would require continuous vigilance and readiness at all levels of various spheres of life.

 

In this situation, the heaviest burden will have to be borne by the government and the armed forces, involving also the population as a whole. The current structure of leadership and administration presents a unique set of circumstances, which, while could facilitate cooperation between the civilian establishment and the defence personnel, could also jeopardise joint national effort to create a unified command and across the board cooperation. The relationship between the armed forces and the civilians is always uneasy due to differences between their cultures. The emphasis on strict discipline and respect of command in the military life are not readily palatable to the civilian population and institutions which believe in certain amount of flexibility. It is a tragedy that the corrupt culture that we evolved over the past decades extended the boundaries of magnanimity and benevolence to include corrupt practices – evaporating in the thin air all discipline and order. Nature’s scheme of things does not tolerate deviations of this magnitude for too long.

 

The October 1999 take over by the armed forces was one such instance. It was welcomed by the people as the incumbent leadership had focussed all their attention on amassing wealth and creating mini empires and a network of fiefdoms. They were strengthening the system that had been exploiting and oppressing the people for centuries, and was usurping even the opportunities afforded by new technology and rapid economic development. In spite of mixed experience of military rule, people greeted General Musharraf as the new saviour. Even after the initial warmth had worn off and the train of expectations had slowed down, the military government remained an acceptable choice for governing the country. If nothing else, it was viewed as definitely better than the free-for-all elected governments of the past decade, until we decided to obtain people’s choice in a referendum.

 

It is no use discussing the Referendum. The important outcome of this event has been the sudden kindling of the urge to assess the work done by the government so far, and its capability of fulfilling its future agenda. A dispassionate look at the last thirty months of Pakistan reveals a mixed picture studded with major policy shifts to deal with world after September 11. But government also has suffered seriously in the eyes of the common man due to rise in prices, enhanced utility bills, law and order situation, and a lack of break-through in case of many major projects.

 

A military government, due to its limited life span cannot think on a long term basis, though it pretends to do so. General Ayub Khan’s regime can take credit for some mega-projects and long-term development policies in the 1960’s. But the clamour for democracy that immediately follows a military take-over tends to weaken the resolve of the armed forces to delve in civilian affairs too long, especially when they cannot afford a let up in their basic functions of defending the ever-sizzling borders. The main point behind credibility erosion is the sudden elevation of hopes and aspirations after a change in the government, and the disappointment that follows after those wishes are not materialised. Once these perceptions are tarnished, the conflict between aspirations of the people and limitations of the government tends to grow. People of developing countries, who have suffered long at the hands of despots and an assortment of selfish rulers, are especially prone to growing a lingering suspicion that the current leadership also is not sincere about the good of the people, just as its predecessors were not. As a result, they do not cooperate with the government. They do not want to extend a helping hand either, in national endeavours, while expecting all assistance by the government. In the case of Pakistan, where feudalism is still rife, and more than one third of the population lives in utter poverty, the people consider the government as their benefactor and every government official as their master and overlord. In a country seethed in the tradition of despotic monarchies and more recent colonial practices, people view government servants as agents of the rulers whose primary business is to grab power and wealth and win privileges and concessions for themselves and their family and cronies besides their masters. Concept of a government for public good, established through the will of the people, is still far beyond the imagination of the common man.

 

These are the feelings and circumstances which make people prefer a military government. They do not see them as agents of the oppressing powers or a party in the struggle between the ruling class and the common man. The military will continue to enjoy this privileged position in people’s perception as long as they do not let them down. The military, while suffering from lack of administrative experience, enjoys an advantage over the civilian governments: It can experience a surge of support and complete cooperation in case the existence of the country is threatened. But it does not make it immune from criticism or disregard if its perception of being a friend of the people undergoes a change. And it can happen due to creation of distance between the government and the people. Lack of understanding between the public and government officials essentially stem from the legacy of their traditional relationship. The officials do not try to know the problems faced by the common man – in their ‘real’ training they tend to be instructed to keep a distance between them and the common man, ostensibly to maintain discipline. The armed forces personnel do not receive such education, as such they tend to study the problems of the common man more freely and minutely.

 

But this advantage starts eroding with the passage of time. The distance between the rulers and the ruled grows – to a good measure due to the old staff in offices and institutions. The military officers gradually, also get involved in local politics, most of which is based on parochialism and feuds resulting from illiteracy and ignorance. Local commanders, eventually will tend to become so engrossed in solving problems of their immediate environment that they might not be able to have more frequent contact with their superiors: This is an extreme but this can happen.

 

There are important lessons in what has been said above. General Musharraf and his commanders are ruling the country. But they are also military commanders, and are trusted more in that capacity. In view of the present situation facing the country, they should walk an extra mile to develop an understanding with the people through solving their problems – or at least acknowledging them and showing empathy. Besides galvanizing the nation in the face of various threats, it will pay handsome dividends in the time to come.

 (News, May 23/ 2002)

 

In the Midstream

 

October 12 will mark the fourth anniversary of Mr. Nawaz Sharif’s departure from the Prime Minister’s House and the take-over by General Pervez Musharraf. One has no intention to indulge in counting the blessings of these four years or blunders. But one must remember what led to the happenings on 12/10/1999 in this country. Take over by Commander-in-chief of the Army was nothing new for the Pakistanis; they must be used to it. What is to be kept in mind, always, is the type of governance that Pakistan had been experiencing before October 12, 1999: Whether things improved after the change is a different matter.

 

One can recall the Senior Citizen’s convention that was held by the government at the shimmering new Convention Centre at Islamabad days before the charge, in which a motley crowd of aged persons was gathered from far off places around the country. The participants were maltreated, insulted, abused, starved – one even lost his life on the road. The package that the Prime Minister announced contained half rates at PTDC hotels, PIA, public libraries utility stores: All that most aged people in Pakistan cannot afford or do not indulge in. An article on the subject by this writer appeared in The News on October 7, 1999.

 

One wrote the first article after the 10/11 take-over on October 21, 1999 about the ills that were confronting the society and what the previous governments had been doing all the while, instead of addressing people’s problems. It was followed by numerous pieces based on analyses of factors responsible for mismanagement and disorder in various sections of society. What had been wrong with the ‘young politicians’ who became prime ministers was extreme arrogance, to start with. Whether it was heavy mandate or the unprecedented reception at Lahore, it flushed their mind and blocked all openings to receive good advice and listen or see vows of the common people. The trait of ‘I know all’, delusions of grandeur, knee-jerk reactions and decision making – and the ultimate evil of all, avarice – spawned a concoction which could destroy the strongest of states. But if senses are sealed nothing opens one’s eyes. Besides blatant ruination of the economy, rampant corruption, dismal law and  order  situation – and even an unheard – of article,  ‘Rot in  Pakistan’, in the ‘Economist’ could not lift the veil of vanity and self-deception from the face of rulers. Gross blunders were committed in the form of unviable gigantic projects like the Motorway, Yellow Taxis scheme, small loans without guarantees, etc. The only big thing that happened was incessant increase in personal assets of leaders in foreign banks, acquisition of property in Pakistan and the creation of an ever-expanding coterie of friends and sycophants who believed in the same principles.

 

Next came the articles on warnings, signals, indications, mischiefs, irritations, deceptions that rulers in this country have come across in the past and no reliable rendition of their course is available. Main issues for attention were identified to be education, health, population management, transport, water, energy, etc. – sectors which are not accorded a priority unless they are of personal interest to the ruling elite. Greatest emphasis, however was laid on individual attitudes towards society, human values and revival of traditions in conjunction with modernity and progress of science and technology. There was also an urgent need to drastically change the administrative and policing system, ruthless accountability and revival of economy by raising the quality of goods, increasing productivity, increasing exports, and retiring the debts. The basic theme, however, remained the improvement of individual character and feeling individual’s responsibility and good of society as the essence of life. How many of these tasks – not necessarily at the suggestion of this writer – have been undertaken is before everybody.

 

One felt that Pakistan’s society had lost most of its values and the will to go forward in the world in the highly complicated and fast life generated in the second half of the Twentieth Century. And our rulers, instead of presenting themselves as role models, laying down sound rules, enacting required laws and raising moral and material standards, had fallen victim to misconceived ideas, blind race for material gains and unbridled greed –prepared to resort to any means to accomplish their objectives. One would not claim anything innovative about these issues. What had been missing – and was pointed out – was the wrong determination of priorities and serious distortions in established and proven procedures. This could be done only by destruction of institutions which was done. The bureaucracy, to prove their loyalty and to claim their own share of the spoils, showed the way to go about achieving nefarious objectives: Many of them had stashed considerable wealth in foreign countries which was to be utilized in the event of danger in Pakistan. The practice, however, had permeated the entire society. It brought us the dubious distinction of being the most corrupt country in the world.

 

In the true tradition of Asia, a word to the wise was submitted to the new government about a number of mistakes which people prompt the government to commit, ruining the credibility of leaders. Systematically, heads of the government are surrounded by groups of persons, isolating them from the common people including close colleagues. In the absence of alternative advice, they commit themselves to wrong causes and take erratic decisions. Accumulation of personal wealth, lavish living, liking for pomp and show make rulers extremely unpopular hollowing them as human beings. Honesty, courtesy, respect, manners, justice, sincerity and grace are basic ingredients of leadership. Pakistan suffered tremendously at the hands of leaders who’s personalities lacked many of these qualities. These were mentioned in the way of a reminder. Abuse of power and misuse of authority are contagious traits which owe their existence to leadership which protects the perpetrators of crimes, or let their name be used.

 

The 9/11 episode and the US action in Afghanistan and Iraq changed the political and diplomatic chessboard completely. This was an extremely difficult period for a Muslim state which was an immediate neighbor of a country under a devastating attack. The government had to take delicate decisions to ensure the safety of the country. The situation has not changed radically. We remain to live in the middle of hostile neighbors. Terrorism continues to threaten the country. We remain a Muslim country with adherence to Muslim Ummah, which is under attack around the world. Most dangerous of all, we remain a victim of enemies within our own society – sick or instigated from outside. Still we, alongwith the community of under-developed nations have to speak from a position of strength to demand our rights from the developed world.

 

It is pertinent to raise some salient issues and mention major developments during the last four years alongside difficulties and mistakes. One covered the subjects mentioned above over a period of four years. Whenever it was felt that some event or decision was questionable, it was pointed out. But one has to confess that not even once, this writer was asked to change his views or write something in favor of the government. Such freedom of opinion and the press is a singular achievement of the era of General  Musharraf.

 

Likewise, elections to legislatures were held in time but they yielded results which did not bring up new leadership from the masses. And the parliament has not done much work during the last one year under various pretexts. A devolution plan was launched to take governance, socio-economic development and decision-making to door-steps of the people. It is still trying to find its way in the political maze existing in this society. Accountability process, in the light of the enormity of the task, is still half-way. Yet there are considerable gains that nation has made under the present dispensation. The economy has turned around. We have, for the first time, started to retire our debts. Foreign Exchange reserves have set a new record. Exports have gone record levels never achieved before. And after a long time the World seems to be happy with Pakistan’s performance. To go places we need unity of thought and action, a common vision of the future and realization of our responsibilities towards the nation. One need not stress that our destiny lies in our conduct!

(News October 9/ 2003)

Focus on Social Development

 

One, as if by instinct, is constrained to brush all other affairs aside as the season for the annual budget and the plan exercises approaches, and start thinking about the shape of the economy during the coming year. Just as others are occupied by concerns dictated by their areas of interest or line of duty, impulse compels me to focus on social development which remains the most depressed area of our national life, despite incessant solemn expressions of commitment by every government, since Independence.

 

This time, this feeling has been accentuated by impending referendum and the general elections, and the sight of humanity gathered at the inevitable political rallies related with these events. The budget for 2002-03 is bound to be conditioned by the covenants and undertakings made in connection with the elections and commitments made already at the referendum-related meetings. Logically, this should give a people-friendly tilt to the economic programme, as popular demands, overwhelmingly, concern issues related to social development and poverty alleviation, besides major perpetual problems like inflation, utilities, unemployment, etc. But their implementation will depend upon the imperatives that determine the weight of essential items of expenditure like defence, debt repayment and ongoing development projects. Development of an expenditure mix in such a situation will be a difficult task. But in order to fulfil promises made with the people, and to build the credibility of the government, accommodation of a sizable social sector programme in the development and non-development budget be an absolute necessity.

 

Whatever the compulsions, whosoever the motivator, whatsoever the sources of transportation, the people one watched in public meetings of General Musharraf, should be representing the cross-section of the people of Pakistan. One will not accept the notion that they were brought to these meetings under duress, or an assortment of lures. Some might have. But the vast majority would have come willingly – to see General Musharraf in person; to experience a political gathering after a long interval; to listen to the arguments for supporting the United States’ activities in the area; to learn about domestic sectarianism, terrorism, general law and order situation. But most of all, what the government was contemplating to check the rise in prices, schooling of children, hospitals, taxes and duties, police high-handedness and a variety of other problems facing the less privileged people of this country. One should not be surprised that there exists a genuine concern about the treatment meted out to Pakistanis in rest of the world and what was being done to restore the prestige of Pakistan and the Pakistanis in foreign countries. People want to know about these matters to put their minds at peace. The meetings provided them with an opportunity to judge the sincerity of their rulers at first hand – whatever the physical distance.

 

One cannot help feeling distressed if the sight of the people of different shades, classes and occupations, gathered at one place, diverts one’s thoughts towards the extent and volume of work that needs to be done to bring cheer in the life of these hapless people, cheated again and again. 51 million out of them are illiterate. Millions of children of school going age do not attend school. 85 per cent new-borns die before reaching the age of one year. Close to 16 thousand women die every year during child birth and pregnancy. 2.4 million people are without employment. 71 million do not have a proper house. 54 million people go without clean drinking water.  82 million live without sanitation. Worst, at least 49 million do not have more than Rs.2000 per month to live on.

 

Changing  their life for the better is a formidable task. And we should admit that we have not done much to lay the foundation of permanent improvement in the life of our poor. We have not even accepted the need for concurrent achievement of short and long term goals. We, right from the beginning of development planning, have been occupied by medium term plans – and a couple of times by long term perspective models. The annual planning was started in 1968 as an exercise separate from the regular budget, but gradually, it became an appendix to the larger and wider budgetary drill. This pushed the real argument favouring quick development almost into oblivion. The case revolved around the need for immediate provision of services, redressal of deprivation, correction of mistakes and thus obtaining community support for planning and raising resources for development. A humane rational for quick-yield plans is to provide some much-needed succour for the population alongside projects which would yield results much later.

 

In a society where the lowest 20 per cent of the population were being allowed to receive only 9 per cent of the national income as against 41 per cent pocketed by the richest 20 per cent, faces seen in political meetings seem to be looking forward to receiving their share of income for the procurement of necessities and a few comforts. Mega-projects, huge industrial units, and an extended trade grid do provide a base for a stable economy and a prosperous society. But the man from among the 34 per cent living below the poverty line – and even a good number from the middle class do look forward to immediate assuagement of their circumstances. Just as their basic demand is for bare necessities, they also harbour a quest for the simplest of services: household necessities, health facilities, education for children, semblance of a house, and in the changed times – clean water, electricity, and household fuel. And of course a source of income.

 

It is an unfortunate development that the long succession of false promises and failed plans have created a large segment of population which is so disillusioned and desperate that they would not trust anybody – howsoever noble they might look. This is dangerous. They can spread hopelessness around and obstruct change. They can agitate their peers and create ugly situations. Or they can destroy themselves and their families. Acceptable or not, they represent a sizeable number of poverty stricken and potentially volatile population. Yet one cannot ignore their grievances and the graveness of their conditions. They need economic and social sector programmes urgently before their frustrations and deprivations erupt into destructive occupations.

 

The political scenario, as it is unfolding, calls for fast development of economic opportunities and vigorous action for enhancement of social sectors. Heightened aspirations, intensified expectations and inflated demands are bound to become a challenge for plan makers, project developers and resource generators. The new budget will also have to contend with the aftermath of the September 11 episode and current goings in our neighbourhood and the Middle East. One concedes the compulsions of extraneous developments, but the fiery brew maturing within the country cannot be ignored. The past few years have witnessed a stream of new duties and taxes. Besides, tax recoveries in a society used to free ride and corruption have generated stress – justified or not. With higher payments to the government and the civic bodies, people do expect improved services and added facilities. Their denial will not only create disaffection but will also raise apprehensions about economic development and social progress. At the risk of repetition, one will refer to one’s recent plea for attention to social sectors like education, literacy, health, environment, housing, communication – and the origin of our major problems, high population growth. And may one remind that people are looking forward to micro-steps which will mitigate their problems fast, rather than plans hidden in the haze of distant future. Can there be a better example of planning for both than the home where parents make long term investment in education of children, but also provide them with comforts of life necessary for meeting their immediate needs – food, clothing and security! So, it can be done, if one has the heart to do so.

(News April 16/ 2002)

Managing the Menace

 

One does not have any qualms in considering 12th January, 2002 as a watershed in the history of Pakistan, when a head of state and the government, while talking about some of the most sensitive matters concerning the Pakistani society, picked up the courage to say and order things on his own behalf rather than placing the onus on Quaid-i-Azam’s August 11, 1947 speech. Those who have had the privilege of living in the Muslim society of the subcontinent before 1947, the fledging years after independence, and the years of bellicose and blundering politicians, besides ambitious and perfidious adventurers of varied origin, should be able to recall the journey from spirited struggle for Pakistan during the British Raj to the present day belligerence caused by sectarian strife fomented by irresponsible grandiloquence by semi-literate congregation guides in front of the unsuspecting innocent faithful. Although, he did not say so in so many words, yet lament the distortion of true Muslim belief and mode of conduct at the hands of the self-appointed custodians of the faith. It took shape immediately after 1947. Its seeds had been sown during the Khilafat movement, and later the struggle for Pakistan. The msulims of the sub-continent were considering themselves a part of the Ummah, stretching from China to the Sahil and from ‘Kashghar and Bukharaz’ to ceylon, ‘Java-Sumatra’ and Zanizibar in the South. They neither knew much about the history of these countries or their location, nor were they aware of their present situation and the trouble they were having at the hands of the colonial West. But, they considered them to be role-models from the golden era of Islam. One remembers the Milad-un-Nabi processions with camels and Arab head-dresses, horses and donkeys only to emulate the way of life in the Muslim lands of the Middle East. One could see that somewhere on the way, they had been inspired by the Dusehra and Ram Leela festivals of the Hindus in the celebration of purely muslim occasions.

 

Emergence of Pakistan saw a continuation of this thinking. Quaid-i-Azam appeared on popular calendars and posters with sword in one hand and a spear in the other, riding on horse-back. Pakistan was declared as the headquarter of pan-Islamism through which the entire Muslim world was to be gathered under one umbrella. The fever was so high and the delirium so intensive, that young and old zealots erected mosques wherever they wanted or considered fit. No place was spared. Round-abouts, road crossings, green belts on highways, lawns adjacent to offices, central places in residential areas all fell victim to this frenzy. Later, retail shops were built around these places of worship making the whole structures sacrosanct, and as such outside the jurisdiction of law of the land- or for that matter, anybody interested to remain in one piece.

 

Collusion between representatives of the people (who needed votes of the followers of religious congregations), the administration (which did not want any trouble) and the crowd of common religious fanatics gave a permanent shape to a pattern which had emerged by default, during the turbulent period of 1947. Once these establishments became a source of financial gain, there appeared mafias which either took over the existing places of worship or created new ones. Gangs of bearded con-men roaming around the streets of large cities became a common sight. Though almost everyone knew about their false pretensions, yet nobody wanted to pick up a quarrel with these thugs for fear of lash-back through young urchins of the community.

 

It is a sad commentary on the moral courage of our people, that it had to be the head of the state to point out these elements and take action, instead of the local population who should have got together to face the menace. The pattern was followed by larger outfits. Madaris, shrines and businesses were set-up by unscrupulous characters to amass wealth by duping the common man in the name of the maintenance of holy places yet no governments of the day – federal or provincial – had the daring to question them and to bring them to book. This license and impunity was strengthened in the 1980’s under General Zia ul Haq’s fervour for Jihad and gave rise to mega-Jehadi organizations which, encouraged by similar organizations elsewhere, played havoc in the country making every citizen insecure and vulnerable to acts of terrorism. We needed somebody to bridle them. One thanks providence that resolute action has been taken to place a lid on the activities of these organizations.

 

One point that General Musharaf has raised in his speech is about people’s right due on an individual. Almost every Muslim knows that, according to the scriptures, there are two sins that God will not forgive despite His immense mercy – Shirk i.e. somebody’s partnership with God and Haquq ul Ibad, the negation of respect for the rights of others. There cannot be two opinions about this issue. Anybody who harms another person or has ill-will towards them is a sinner. Personally, I would go a step farther and hold the harm to any creature of God, a sin against the Creator. What the home-spun emotion-based organizations were doing was to disregard the hardships faced by the people, justifying their stance through abiding to rituals, as interpreted by them. From what we know about their sermons from the pulpit, most of them engaged their congregations and followers into rhetoric comprising instigation to hate, maim and exterminate opponents – mostly, the muslims belonging to other sects. In certain areas, the non-muslims were also a target.

 

In the mosque sermons, there was hardly mention of service to the masses – if it were, made at all, it was always related to mosque washrooms, electricity and gas connection, residential accommodation of the prayer leader, or the shops attached to the mosque. There has been a dire need for changing this narrow-minded approach. One has been a party to pleading this change for years as this essential attitudinal change is a pre-requisite for generating feelings of brotherhood and providing meaningful relief to masses. One is delighted to endorse the view that religious institutions and their custodians must be made to learn about Islamic injunctions to serve humanity rather than to amass personal comforts and accumulate luxuries under the pretext of imparting religious guidance and education – and in the process to indulge in hating the non-muslim groups.

 

There is a basic issue which will need to be addressed if proper implementation of new orders is to be assured – redirecting the energy of the law enforcing machinery from a superficial plain into a solid, realistic and altruistic plan of action. The change in attitude is a difficult process. Undertaking it through the slow pace of introducing and consolidating can be frustrating and painful. Our police, and other law-enforcing agencies need basic changes to render them useful. We have additional hurdles in the form of corruption and illegal pressures. This calls for immediate reforms in our police system and procedures. From the old oppressive police, it has to be transformed into a modern and responsible force. It has been done in many countries of Asia and the Far East. They, in spite of pressure of traditional elite, have assumed the role of a respected force. Judiciary and bureaucracy in change of general administration have to be equally fair and efficient if the wide-ranging lasting reforms have to take root.

 

Most important of all, in the days to come, the people will have to be told – not through too obvious, unsolicited brain washing – about the genesis of various problems and the actions taken. Also needed will be a continuous reminder that strength of a nation lies in the character and attitude of individuals, and the amount of understanding and accommodation for each other.

(News January 17/ 2002)

Fogging the Top

 

It has been an ancient practice in the precincts of kings and queens, presidents, prime ministers and mili­tary rulers, that groups of courtiers, spies, and heads of armed forces used every method in their armory to isolate the ruler and his or her confidants from the rest of the so­ciety. Rulers, being aware of these ma­noeuvres, appointed loyal officials to gather intelligence and keep them in­formed of the goings-on in the territory. However, in almost every case, the intel­ligence outfits themselves became front­runners in monopolising the attention of the apex ruling elite. The main purpose behind the game of isolating the rulers was to create a make-believe world for them where there is peace, tranquillity and prosperity; it was ensured that whosoever states otherwise, was telling lies.

 

To thwart any chance of acceptance of truth at the top, the ‘monarch’ was convinced that his or her subjects had lost the sense of exhilaration and joy over happy tidings: rather, they had become used to viewing everything with dismay. The rulers, being oblivious of facts due to damming of information, felt so comfortable and snug with their cir­cumstances that anybody carrying ad­verse news was abhorred and banished from future access to the top. Since this scenario is a sure recipe for disaster for a government, members of the intriguing outfits can never be loyal-to the ruler: they are always on the look-out for more lucrative opportunities and strong con­tacts in the next regime: the political his­tory of Pakistan is an example.

 

The institution of government is so essential for society; every tract of land and sea on this planet is managed by an institution comprising people and a sys­tem called the government. And every government will have to protect the in­terests of a myriad of groups and indi­viduals of the area. Their respective ob­jectives and agendas thus spawn power struggle, intrigue, betrayal, perfidy and treason. That had caused the downfall of past empires and lesser regimes, and that will happen again whenever and wher­ever the rulers are made to become oblivious to problems and aspirations of the people.

 

Pakistan, since its very beginning as an independent state, has been suffering from this malady of seclusion of the rul­ing classes from the rest of the society. We have paid heavily for this chasm in the shape of unstable governments and intrusions by the military which claimed to have been obliged to enter the arena to `clean the mess created by politicians’.

 

Six decades of management hiccups have bestowed upon this nation a men­tality of subjugation, capitulation and in­difference, which has rendered the masses unconcerned both about the achievements and failures of the nation. Remember the old adage? If you cannot avoid it, endure it. And this is what this nation has been doing for the most part of its existence. We let ourselves be sub­jected to various forms of government, foreign models for economic develop­ment, high handedness of the big land owners and feudals, accompanied by al­most complete disappearance of the will to contribute to any effort to gain Pak­istan a place of honor in the world through our demeanor, education, skills, hard-work and character. We have neither cultivated these traits in the past nor is anybody interested in their pro­motion now. The top leaders are made to include in their rhetoric, qualities that we do not possess, and traits that we do not have. The tragedy is that the leaders start believing in them and expect miracles.

 

One has written about this before, but such deception and the efforts to show results to justify false claims slide a na­tion deeper and much sooner than it would otherwise. As a consequence, we are getting addicted to self-deception in every aspect of life. What we started with exaggerating as our economic perfor­mance has spread to other departments of life. It is an infallible recipe for formu­lating wrong policies and taking wrong actions, besides making the government a laughing stock of the people. What is alarming is the poker face and the saintly expression with which we make public statements in front of audiences, un­mindful of their reaction. This is the situ­ation which tends to suggest that leaders really are not aware of all the facts and will never have them correct as there is no worthwhile system of feedback. The facts, as such, will remain buried in dis­patches of field reporters. The leaders will get a slightly revised version of the last report and what he or she would like to believe for mental and emotional health.

 

Private Secretaries and Personal As­sistants worldwide are educated to pro­tect their bosses from unwanted intru­sions on their time. The official informants do the same. Even family members and close friends are per­suaded ostensibly to keep the boss undis­turbed to enable him to make decisions based on the information fed. If it results in a disaster, the debris will fall on him or her, the departmental advisers, and friends responsible for providing mis­leading information will flee like rats from a house on fire.

 

The United States of America has been facing the results of wrong intelli­gence and the casualness of its agencies in conveying relevant information to the President. One apprehends that the situ­ation is not very different in our country. We come across confessions of igno­rance by leaders in public and in front of the legislative bodies.

 

A more serious matter is the supply of wrong data to leaders which they use to build their policy stances. The US President went into a war in Iraq due to false intelligence reports in spite of the huge network of spy agencies. In a de­veloping country like ours, there is a much greater danger of forwarding wrong information to policy makers at the top especially as there is a strong culture of free advice from various quarters. A lot of information is held up at the lower levels because it is declared to be unnecessary for policy makers; many a times, the orders for sifting information are issued by the bosses themselves; without realising that they are cutting off important sources of valuable informa­tion.

 

One has gotten into a debate to which there is no end. The practice of keeping the boss in the dark is old and deep­rooted. It has become a standard prac­tice in our corridors of power. It has always fallen upon a small number of persons in the inner circles to differ with the bosses; the rest just endorse what the powers that be want. It is part of the problem of having too many advisers, a large cabinet and frequent foreign visitors and advisors. The common people who have an understanding of the process cannot do much about it except give vent to their feelings in the press, be­sides in the drawing rooms of their peers. But most of the critical and radical mate­rial appearing in the media is never put up to the top bosses, and they do not have the time to read every piece in the press or watch every program on the electronic media.

 

The answer lies in having exclusively hired young men and women who could maintain objectivity while keeping their bosses well informed about everything that needs to be addressed for the good of the people, rather than the abstrac­tion of ‘in the national interest’ which cannot even be properly defined. Fresh young professionals are ideal for these positions.

(News May 4/ 2006)